Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta A.C.A.B.. Mostrar todas las entradas
Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta A.C.A.B.. Mostrar todas las entradas

jueves, 23 de marzo de 2017

A History of Anti-Fascist Punk Around the World in 9 Songs

 



 


In its four decades, punk has meant many different things to many different people. Its relationship to fascism, the specter of which has stopped rattling its chains from history books and re-appeared in the West, is one of the most complicated examples of how aesthetics and philosophy can appeal to both anti-authoritarian and deeply repressive positions. You can find it in punk’s beginnings, as a reaction to the cultural forces of generations prior, the long shadow of World War II among them. Ron Asheton of the Stooges collected and wore Nazi memorabilia to signify his bond with his father, a former Marine Corps pilot. Sid Vicious’ swastika was a fuck-you to his parents’ generation, and largely orchestrated by the (Jewish) Malcolm McLaren. And the electric eels just wanted to piss everyone off equally.
Look no further than the formation of Rock Against Racism (RAR) for a sub-story that contextualizes just how thin the line can be when it comes to manipulating fascist symbolism. In response to a growing National Front presence in England during the mid-’70s, RAR united rock and reggae subcultures (and more importantly, black and white folks). The organization was closely affiliated with the Anti-Nazi League, a public effort of the Trotskyist Socialist Workers Party; the strict party line embedded in its core philosophy felt suffocating to some. In the case of peace-punk band Crisis, a RAR favorite, bassist Tony Wakeford (who had been a Socialist Workers Party member) and guitarist Douglas Pearce (who had been involved with the International Marxist Group) began to feel so alienated that they formally split from RAR. Wakeford and Pearce went on to form neofolk group Death in June, which began its career playing with the aesthetics of paramilitary fascism (Nazism in particular) as satire—stances that became much muddier from there. Wakeford got the boot from the group in 1984 for his relationship at that time with the National Front, which lasted less than a year; these days, for his part, he is publicly critical of the far rightBut Pearce, who keeps Death in June active still, continues to court controversy.
Similarly, the splintering of both the UK and U.S. labor movements, under pressure from Thatcher and Reagan during their tenures, brought about both racist skinheads and skinheads who reacted by speaking out against racism. All this ongoing friction and subsequent reaction, embedded in punk’s formation and carried through along multiple veins to the present, has also created some of the best and most relevant music to directly critique fascism in its many iterations. Here, we present just a few, shying away from many of the more obvious and well-known choices here (Dead Kennedys’ “Nazi Punks Fuck Off,” Oi Polloi’s “Bash the Fash,” etc.)

Johannesburg, South Africa, 1977: National Wake, “International News”

Following the 1976 Soweto uprising, in which students protesting apartheid were murdered by state police, Ivan Kadey and brothers Gary and Punka Khoza did what countless others have done when feeling helpless and frustrated, in need of a voice: they started a punk band. They mixed Stooges-esque garage, the repurposed disco structures and acerbic political analysis of bands like the Pop Group and Gang of Four, two-tone ska, reggae, and African polyrhythms into one heady setlist. But more on the rowdy and raw hard-rock end of things, “International News” took aim at the role of the international media in perpetuating both apartheid and the atrocities of the Angolan War of Independence with sensationalistic reporting. Unsurprisingly, National Wake found themselves the subject of state police surveillance and censorship, making it difficult to secure spaces to play. The pressure eventually split the band apart, but they hadn’t been forgotten; preserved through tape trading and Kadey’s own record-keeping, their recorded material is now available in its original, uncensored condition thanks to Light in the Attic.



Belgium, 1977: Basta, “Abortus Vrij de Vrouw Beslist!”

Those who have never had their reproductive systems regulated by the government may wonder why a song about abortion rights appears on a list of anti-fascist punk songs; those who know the danger of electing Mike “Burial or Cremation for Aborted and Miscarried Fetuses” Pence to one of the highest offices in the land may not. This 7-inch was Basta’s only release, and one of the first Belgian punk releases of any sort. Beyond this significance, the song is incredibly catchy, with a saxophone line reminiscent of Lora Logic’s dissonant contributions to X-Ray Spex and Essential Logic, and a shouted chorus that was a common phrase at pro-choice protests (essentially meaning, “yes, abortion for women!”). Belgium was actually one of the last countries to legalize abortion (not until 1990!), which made Basta’s urgent-sounding record even more significant: the sleeve listed clinics where abortions could safely be obtained.


Rotterdam, Netherlands, 1978: The Rondos, “Which Side Will You Be On?”

The Rondos were Maoist punks, leftist militants who provoked everyone from the Dutch Communist CPN party to (closed-mindedly) Rastafarian culture to Crass, who held the Rondos at least partially responsible for the violence that often characterized Crass shows starting in 1979 (when the two bands played together) onward. From the Rondos’ own biography: “Were we really communists? We assented to it half mockingly and half seriously. In the beginning, our lyrics were non-political or generally ‘anti.’ Wayward, anyhow. Over time we became more serious about our communist image. More fanatical too, due to pressure from the outside.” They had their own magazine (Raket, or Rocket) and alternative bookshop (Raketbase), a hub for the early Dutch punk scene. “Which Side Will You Be On?” was an urgent pogo and a call to action to do something, rather than sitting around talking endlessly about strategy. One cannot, after all, fight fascism by words alone.


Austin, Texas, 1980: The Dicks, “The Dicks Hate the Police”

A blatantly Communist band fronted by an unapologetic fat gay man in Texas released their first single, in which said singer barked in the voice of a violent cop hell-bent on abusing his power against the marginalized... to impress his parents. The song contained few words and fewer chords, and yet, with an arch sneer, the singer—Gary Floyd, a genuine punk hero deserving of recognition beyond the underground—communicated the essence of state power deployed in its most wretched everyday form. “The Dicks Hate the Police” is, at least to this writer, one of the greatest songs of all time, punk or not. Innumerable covers—chief among them Mudhoney’s most famous one—support this theory.

Essex, England, 1980: Poison Girls, “Bully Boys”

Over 40 and differing from the traditionally attractive frontwoman archetype, Jewish refugee Vi Subversa found herself beloved by Crass and friends upon starting up her first punk band. Inspired by the wryness and hookiness of the Buzzcocks, Subversa brought a delicate balance of thoughtful consideration and pummeling ferocity to the burgeoning peace-punk movement. Her history of real-world activism also helped to accomplish some actual work against nuclear disarmament, among other causes. “Bully Boys” was a remarkably catchy little ditty, all buzzsaw guitars, throaty vocals, and punchy drums in service of implicating the role of machismo in National Front violence. The band said that the track, along with “The Bremen Song” (about the Holocaust), led to racist skinheads attacking them at gigs and at home. Subversa’s lyrics were less “the personal is political” in the sense of isolating her experiences as being characteristic of grander political trends, and more “the political is personal,” focusing on how political systems manifest themselves in everyday life.

East Berlin, 1983: Namenlos, “Nazis Wieder in Ostberlin”

It’s unsurprising that East Germans struggling through the stultified economic conditions of the state-controlled Soviet German Democratic Republic found the crudest impulses of anti-authoritarianism in punk aesthetics to be an effective way of voicing their protest—and that the government responded to them as a direct threat. State harassment, police beatings, and apartment raids were regular parts of punk life, forcing many street kids into churches for sanctuary, where they became politicized, mixing with varying civil rights and environmental activist groups who also needed that protected space to meet. Namenlos were among this newly, ferociously politicized breed, employing wiry rock’n’roll riffage and direct lyrics with appropriate seriousness given their environment. The government doubled down on state repression rather than loosening it, and “Nazis Wieder in Ostberlin” (“Nazis Again in East Berlin”) landed three members of Namenlos behind bars. They were held in jail for six months without full charges while being interrogated, and were eventually sentenced to 18 additional months in Stasi prison for their “anti-government lyrics.” Even public support for Namenlos could land punks in jail for months on end. And yet the fire started by mixing disenfranchised street kids and politically savvy strategists couldn’t be extinguished once it’d been set: an organized youth protest movement, punks included, was no small part of the political rebellion that eventually toppled the Berlin Wall.

San Pedro, California, 1984: Minutemen, “Political Song for Michael Jackson to Sing”

So dig this big crux: Think of Mike Watt and D. Boon as the blue-collar socialist punk versions of Bert and Ernie. Friends since age 13, the duo’s oscillating heartbeat is what makes Minutemen so beloved and still relevant today. While the lyrics to this avant-garde punk classic are the least didactic on this list, they are no less direct than any others, and no less evocative (“Me, naked with textbook poems spout fountain against the Nazis”). How do we assert our politics through song, Boon asks, making sincerity a strength rather than a weakness. A crucial question for anyone who’s ever made an impassioned argument and thought, “I must look like a dork”—particularly at a time when neo-Nazis rely on chaotic disdain for anyone who cares too much as provocation meant to disarm.

Santiago, Chile, 1984: Los Pinochet Boys, “La Música del General/Esto Es Pinochet Boys”

At the most repressive point of the Pinochet dictatorship, Daniel Puente Encina formed an explicitly anti-fascist punk band with his friends and called it Pinochet Boys. Their first single? “Music of the General.” This was not the kind of punk danger most Americans are familiar with; it was not even a Green Room-type scenario. This was treason against a fascist state. With every show a secret, risking shut-down by military police, Pinochet Boys gigs were places for young, emerging activists to meet and strategize. The youth movement would become a crucial part of the revolution that led to the Chilean national plebiscite in 1988, a referendum that finally forced the Pinochet regime from power and paved the road for democracy. “This machine kills fascists,” indeed—though Encina and the other Boys were exiled in 1987. From a purely musical standpoint, the song was half classic sing-along punk-band-name-as-anthem and half bizarre, zippy new wave outer-space transmission, one of the weirdest and coolest earworms around. Even if it hadn’t played a historically documented and practical part in actually bringing down a 16-year dictatorship, it’d be worthy of inclusion here.

Mexico City, 1990: Massacre 68, “Sistema Podrido”

Named for those murdered in 1968 while peacefully protesting the repressive Díaz Ordaz government (as part of the Mexican Dirty War), Massacre 68 were fairly straightforward thrashers with lyrics bluntly critical of the government corruption and state violence surrounding them. In 1988, a rigged election declared the Institutional Revolutionary Party the new ruling party, though with phenomenally low voter turnout due to a “crashed” system—a cover that was later revealed to have been the result of corruption and burned ballots. Massacre 68 directly critiqued this election in “Sistema Podrido” (“Rotten System”), off their first LP, 1990’s No Estamos Conformes. These are perhaps the most ripping solos committed to a record about horrendously corrupt voter fraud. But stateside listeners didn’t get hip to Massacre 68 until L.A. label Huarache Records re-released their material in the early 2000s, right around the time documents were finally revealed detailing the Mexican government’s role in both the ’68 murders and the ’88 election fraud.

La unica protesta anti-fascista durante la ocupacion nazi en Europa.





On this day in 1941: anti-Nazi February strike in Holland

  • February 25, 2016

The famous February strike of 1941 was the only major protest in solidarity with Jews in Europe during the Nazi era, and has since been a symbol of resistance.
Day of Amsterdam
Whatever one may forget from these bitter times;
Never this exceptional day.
When the people, threats and dead facing,
For the sake of justice,
Rose up for the people that lay under.

— presumed to be written by Mr. Sem Davids, translated from Dutch by Jelle Bruinsma
On February 25, 1941, workers in Amsterdam went on a two-day general strike against the Nazi persecution of Jews.
The months preceding the strike had been tense, with Dutch Nazi organizations harassing Jews in the Jewish neighborhood. In response Jews (and non-Jewish supporters) formed self-defense groups, resulting in a series of street battles, in which one Dutch Nazi died. The Germans then sealed off the Jewish neighborhood for non-Jews.
A week later, on February 19, a massive fight broke out in the Jewish ice-cream parlor Koco after the Grüne Polizei tried to enter but was confronted with a self-defense unit from the neighborhood, injuring several officers. In revenge, the Nazi’s staged a large-scale pogrom a few days later in which 427 Jewish men between age 20 and 35 were arrested and deported, most of whom died in Mauthausen concentration camp.
Although the role of the Dutch Communist Party is downplayed in official commemorations, its role was instrumental. Taking their lead from the strike in the metal industry weeks earlier (which successfully blocked the deportation of metal workers to German factories), the communists called out and organized for a general strike on February 24 in the hope that this would show the German occupier that persecution of Jews would be too costly in the Netherlands and would work against their local allies (the NSB).
pamflet_Staakt-februaristaking
The original strike manifesto
On the morning of February 25, public transport workers were the first to strike, while communists were spreading the strike manifesto across work places in town. By noon the strike had paralyzed the entire city, and soon spread to the surrounding regions, from Zaandam to Utrecht.
After two days of brutal repression – in which nine strikers were killed, dozens others severely injured, and many more imprisoned – the Nazi’s succeeded in suppressing the strike. Several strike leaders were later executed by firing squat.
Although ultimately unsuccessful, the Amsterdam February strike will forever have its place in the history of antifascist resistance, and the brave men and women who risked their lives will forever be remembered for their bravery and solidarity with their persecuted fellow citizens.
Some key passages from their strike poster sadly echo strikingly relevant in today’s Europe:
Protest against the horrible persecutions of the Jews! During the recent Saturday, Sunday, and Monday the Nazis behaved like beasts in neighborhoods with Jewish inhabitants.
Hundreds of fully armed members of the military police suddenly appeared in the old city and in other neighborhoods and attacked helpless men, women, and children, while yelling, shouting, cursing, and shooting.
Hundreds of Jewish youngsters were seized in the streets, thrown into police cars, and sent to an unknown place of horrors.
This is the Nazi revenge for the brave self-defense that, two weeks ago, caused two Nazi riot “heroes” to retreat and the killing as a terrorist of the Fascist bandit Koot.
This is the ugly answer to the anger of the masses and the massive protest demonstration of the citizens of Amsterdam against the pogrom carried out against the Jews.
That is mainly the result of the great-capitalist “mediation” of Asscher, [Rabbi] Sarlovis, and Cohen, who, in their servility, agreed to shoulder the Jews’ guilt and attempted to defeat the continued adoption of defensive measures in the struggle, arguing that “calm” will now be restored. These great capitalists are afraid that a ransom will be imposed, and their money is dearer to them than the Jewish workers!
The SS and the military police, whom even the German soldiers loathe, are carrying out this dirty work with genuine pleasure. Here the dregs and the chaff of the German people are at work. The stupid and lowly Dutch Nazis, the dregs of our people, who absented themselves in this case, should learn from this rabble how to impose terror on the working masses.
These riots against the Jews represent an attack on all the laboring masses!!!
They constitute the beginning of harsher enslavement and terrorism!!!
They cannot but pave the way for the usurpation of rule by Mussert, whom every Dutchman despises!!!
Proletarian residents of Amsterdam, will you put up with this?
No, a thousand times no!!!
Are you able and willing to prevent this disgusting terror in the future?
Yes, definitely!!!
The metalworkers in Amsterdam have shown the way. They struck in unison against their forced transport to Germany, and the coercive power of the German military administration had to contend with this resistance! In one day, the metalworkers triumphed!!
So, do not let the jackboot of the German soldier intimidate you!
Organize protest strikes in all factories!!
Join ranks to fight against this terrorism!!
Demand the immediate liberation of the interned Jews!!
Demand the disbanding of the Dutch Fascist terror groups!!!
Organize self-defense in factories and neighborhoods!!
Show your solidarity with the Jewish segment of the proletariat, which has been so badly mistreated!!
Spare the Jewish children from the terror of the Nazi atrocities; take them in with your families!!!
Be aware of the tremendous might of your unified action!!!
It is much greater than that of the German military occupation! There’s no doubt that many German proletarian soldiers support your resistance!!!
Strike!! Strike!! Strike!!!
Shut down all of Amsterdam for one day—shipyards, factories, shops, offices, banks, city hall, and enterprise works!!
Then the German occupier will have to retreat! You will have dealt a blow to the monstrous scheme to bring Mussert to power! You will have thwarted the continued plunder of our land!
You will have made it possible to oust Woudenberg from the trade union!!!
Demand increases in wage and welfare benefits everywhere!!
Be united!! Be brave!!
Stiffen your spine and fight to liberate our country!!!!
februari staking
The only known photo of the February strike was recently discovered in the 75-year-old diary of a Keimpe Sikkema, who in 1941 was a young journalist working for the socialist daily ‘Het Volk’.

Fuente: Roarmag.org

miércoles, 22 de marzo de 2017

All Cops Are Bastards y el derecho a la ciudad.



En pocos años, las calles de prácticamente todas las grandes ciudades españolas y europeas se han llenado con pintadas A.C.A.B., acrónimo de All Cops Are Bastards, y una de las expresiones más habituales del movimiento Skinhead, Redskin o SHARP (Skin-Head Against Racial Prejudice). Vuelven a verse botas “martens” por las calles, cortes de pelo edelweiss, e incluso algunos que otros tirantes de color rojo. Grupos como Non Servium, Kaos Urbano, Núcleo Terco o Escuela de Odio componen canciones con títulos como “Mi barrio or Die”, “Barrio obrero”, “Combatientes de las calles”, “Zona conflictiva” o “Héroes de la clase obrera”. En ellas, la ideología A.C.A.B. se expresa como un proyecto de lucha vecinal por la autogestión del espacio público completamente antagónico y al margen de las instituciones públicas.
Al contrario de lo que se suele creer, el movimiento skinhead no es sinónimo de nazismo o racismo. Sus orígenes se remontan a los barrios obreros británicos de la década de los sesenta, cuando algunos músicos como Laurel Aitken (de origen jamaicano) empezaron a experimentar con ritmos del ska jamaicano y el boogie de New Orleans. No fue hasta la llegada del punk a finales de la década de los setenta que la estética skinhead desarrolló la música Oi y algunas bandas como Skrewdriver comenzaron a incluir ideología racista y nacionalsocialista en sus letras, si bien todos los skinheads que estaban en contra del racismo empezaron a utilizar la denominación SHARP debido a la rápida identificación que la sociedad realizó entre skinheads y neonazis.
Una de las principales novedades de esta nueva oleada de música Oi en España respecto a otros grupos de primera generación como Kortatu radica no tanto en un supuesto incremento de la violencia o el conflicto urbano, como en una mayor incidencia en los aspectos espaciales de su ideología política. Una característica ya comentada por Raúl Zibechi en sus análisis de los movimientos sociales radicales latinoamericanos del siglo XXI, que los diferenciaría de una primera generación de movimientos sociales caracterizados por un mayor nomadismo y una menor preocupación por la apropiación del espacio urbano.
En el caso de la ideología Oi, la territorialización desplegada es siempre a escala de barrio, dado que es allí donde se producen las relaciones vecinales de cotidianeidad que llevan a la apropiación del espacio público y la reivindicación de su total auto-gestión, especialmente en lo que se refiere a cuestiones de vigilancia y seguridad. Tal y como canta la letra de “cabezas rapadas” de Non Servium:
Cabezas rapadas, pateando las calles
Cabezas rapadas, vigilando los barrios
Cabezas rapadas, controlando los metros
Cabezas rapadas, oi! oi! oi!
Pese a que su defensa explícita de la lucha y el conflicto así como la unilateralidad de su postura puede parecernos radical dentro de un mundo demasiado acostumbrado a la ideología del consenso, la participación y la co-gestión, en realidad, antes de que arquitectos y urbanistas tergiversaran el derecho a la ciudad concebido por Henri Lefebvre con las posturas (ultra)liberales de Jane Jacobs, este se entendía literalmente como “democracia, que nunca es una condición sino una lucha […] la perpetua lucha por la autogestión que es la lucha de clases”.
Al igual que la tradición marxista desde la que nació la reclamación por el derecho a la ciudad, la música Oi, el movimiento SHARP y la ideología A.C.A.B. nos recuerdan una vez más que la auténtica democracia (demos = pueblo y kratos = fuerza o poder) es imposible de conseguir sin lucha, conflicto y violencia en las calles.
Antes que ser estigmatizados y criminalizados como movimientos propios de extremistas o radicales, este nuevo repunte del movimiento Oi en España debería ser tratado por todos aquellos profesionales y ciudadanos implicados en la (auto)gestión de la ciudad como uno de los principales focos de resistencia que mantiene viva la reivindicación de un derecho a la ciudad no mistificado por las gobernanzas neoliberales. Unas gobernanzas que no han cesado de promover la gentrificación de los barrios, y que bajo la ideología participativa del consenso y la colaboración fomentan siempre operaciones de revalorización económica del espacio urbano por completo ajenas a las relaciones vecinales de cotidianeidad.
Nos guste o no, en palabras del “Espíritu del 69” de Kaos Urbano:
el orgullo skinhead no se ha olvidado
en mi barrio se sigue luchando
skinheads las calles controlaban
las raíces siguen vivas
oi! vuelven a resurgir.
vuelve, vuelve el orgullo skinhead
vuelve el espíritu del 69

Jorge León y Ana Ruiz son socios y colaboradores habituales de Martín y León Arquitectos, y profesores de urbanismo en la Escuela de Arquitectura y Tecnología de la Universidad San Jorge.